Venezuela’s political and economic crisis took a fateful turn on Wednesday when the 35-year-old head of the National Assembly, Juan Guaidó, declared himself interim president and was promptly recognized by the United States, Canada, the Organization of American States and most Latin American governments. A mass demonstration called by Mr. Guaidó brought out throngs waving flags and chanting, “Get out, Maduro!”
But the embattled incumbent, Nicolás Maduro, defiantly stood his ground, railing against “coups” and “gringo interventions,” cutting ties with the United States and urging the armed forces to stand with him. Russia, Mr. Maduro’s ally and benefactor, weighed in with blistering warnings to the United States against any intervention. The Venezuelan defense minister declared that the armed forces, long a bastion of support for Mr. Maduro, remained behind him, but much depends on whether the rank and file will follow.
That Mr. Maduro must go has been obvious for some time. Since he succeeded the leftist strongman Hugo Chávez in 2013, his mismanagement, cronyism and corruption, exacerbated by the drop in the price of oil, Venezuela’s dominant source of revenue, have brought the country to ruin. Hyperinflation has rendered wages virtually worthless, people are dying of starvation and lack of medical care, and millions have fled to neighboring countries.
The question has been how to pry Mr. Maduro out without a blood bath. Mr. Maduro, with the opposition divided and the armed forces behind him, tenaciously clung to power, largely blaming a hostile United States for the country’s woes. He packed the Supreme Court with allies, created a parallel legislature, suppressed mass demonstrations by force and orchestrated his own re-election last May.
Yet the original legislature, the National Assembly, despite being formally stripped of power by Mr. Maduro, remained under the control of the opposition and is a source of legitimate power. And when Mr. Guaidó — a hitherto little-known engineer with a knack for coalition-building — was elected head of the legislature on Jan. 5, he promptly declared the president illegitimate and invoked a constitutional rule that transfers power to the head of the National Assembly should the presidency be vacated. His call for mass demonstrations drew many of the urban poor who once ardently rallied to Mr. Chávez’s leftist and anti-American banner, but now found themselves nearly starving to death.
The confrontation of two presidents raised terrifying prospects of carnage, especially should the military stand by Mr. Maduro. In this fray, the overt support of the United States for Mr. Guaidó has played a major role. Vice President Mike Pence made that support clear this week in a widely cited tweet and video, and in a Jan. 15 phone call to Mr. Guaidó he offered “resolute support” for the National Assembly as “the only legitimate democratic body in the country.”
That support is hardly symbolic. Recognizing Mr. Guaidó as the legitimate president allows the United States government to free millions in Venezuelan assets frozen by sanctions imposed on Mr. Maduro, money that the opposition could use for humanitarian assistance or to fund the new elections Mr. Guaidó has pledged. The Trump administration on Thursday promised million in initial aid.
But American intervention also carries risk. On Wednesday, President Trump once again raised the specter of a military intervention when he said, “All options are on the table.” A similar suggestion by Mr. Trump in August 2017 was promptly, and properly, rejected by South American leaders. Any military intervention could prove catastrophic, especially if Russia, the primary arms supplier to Venezuela, stepped in. Even such measures as sanctions on Venezuelan oil would risk worsening the humanitarian disaster.
The Trump administration is right to support Mr. Guaidó. But given the history of American support for right-wing dictatorships in Latin America, the United States must be seen as participating in a broad coalition of South American and other democratic nations seeking to help Venezuelans achieve a peaceful end to a destructive dictatorship.
What is indisputable at this tense moment is that Mr. Maduro’s misrule has become intolerable and that he must go. A formidable array of countries have recognized a fresh young leader. It is now their duty to do everything in their power to persuade Mr. Maduro, if necessary by guaranteeing him haven, that his final act must be a peaceful exit.
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（【么】【么】，【请】【晚】【一】【些】【观】【看】，【防】【盗】【章】～～） 【那】【日】【穆】【尔】【琛】【咳】【出】【的】【血】，【大】【多】【是】【陈】【年】【旧】【疾】【所】【致】。【那】【淤】【血】【一】【旦】【导】【出】，【想】【必】【对】【身】【体】【更】【有】【益】【处】。 【姬】【奈】【有】【时】【候】【想】【问】【穆】【尔】【琛】，【寒】【冬】【到】【了】，【他】【在】【外】【界】【冷】【不】【冷】，【或】【者】【想】【告】【诉】【他】【今】【日】【见】【到】【的】【新】【鲜】【事】【儿】，【或】【者】【是】【白】【玉】【灵】【猫】【又】【长】【胖】【了】，【可】【是】【他】【都】【不】【在】【身】【边】。【她】【试】【着】【给】【他】【写】【信】，【可】【不】【知】【什】【么】【缘】【故】
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【过】【了】【一】【会】【儿】【之】【后】，【上】【官】【静】【便】【见】【到】，【左】【天】【宁】，【也】【就】【是】【天】【宁】【刀】，【开】【始】【吸】【收】【黑】【修】【罗】【的】【力】【量】【了】。 【她】【这】【才】【想】【起】【来】，【天】【宁】【刀】【本】【来】【就】【是】【魔】【族】【之】【物】。 【虽】【然】【每】【次】【使】【用】【的】【时】【候】，【都】【是】【由】【她】【的】【灵】【力】【在】【支】【撑】，【但】【是】【天】【宁】【刀】【其】【实】【还】【是】【偏】【爱】【暗】【元】【素】【的】。 【因】【此】，【一】【眨】【眼】【的】【功】【夫】，【天】【宁】【刀】【就】【吸】【走】【了】【黑】【修】【罗】【体】【内】【大】【量】【的】【灵】【力】。 【刀】【身】【上】【的】【红】【光】，